By Robert J. Waller
This re-creation of The Almanac of British Politics has been completely revised and up to date because the moment successive Labour election victory in 2001. it's firmly proven because the definitive consultant to the political map of the uk, protecting intimately all the constituencies sending representatives to the home of Commons. It additionally includes insightful biographical sketches of each unmarried Member of Parliament.The Almanac offers a entire seat-by-seat research of all parliamentary constituencies, describing their social, monetary and political features. This version additionally comprises new records for every seat together with: voters and turnout ordinary estate values in line with constituency unemployment untimely mortality index and rank order monetary deprivation. this can be the fundamental reference paintings on British politics for college kids, lecturers, reporters and psephologists.
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Approximate turnout at 68% was almost 10% higher than the national norm. ‘Non-manual’ includes all these and adds the junior non-manual workers, often white-collar, clerical and management included in the ‘lower middle class’. This group seems to have broken evenly between Conservative and Labour in 2001, with the Liberal Democrats polling around 20%. The remainder not included in these figures consist of manual workers, whether skilled, semi-skilled or unskilled: traditionally defined, the working class.
As revealing of social background is the possession of a public school and Oxbridge educational pedigree, and if such a test is applied to the three parties, significant differences emerge. Whereas 36% (60) of the 166 Conservative MPs attended a public school and Oxford or Cambridge, only 7% (30) of Labour’s 412 MPs had a similar background, and in Labour’s case this included a number whose ‘public schools’ were merely former direct grant grammar schools. Of the Liberal Democrats’ 52 MPs, 19% (10) had a public school and Oxbridge background.
Whereas 36% (60) of the 166 Conservative MPs attended a public school and Oxford or Cambridge, only 7% (30) of Labour’s 412 MPs had a similar background, and in Labour’s case this included a number whose ‘public schools’ were merely former direct grant grammar schools. Of the Liberal Democrats’ 52 MPs, 19% (10) had a public school and Oxbridge background. Clearly the social profiles of the parties, as thus measured, are still quite distinct. This is notwithstanding the continued decline in 22 MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT the number of Conservative MPs from the grander public schools such as Eton, which provided between a quarter and a fifth of all Conservative MPs for the first six decades of the last century, but by 2001 was providing a mere 8%, or 14 MPs out of 166.